The impact of Russian cultural suppression on Ukrainian national unity

Oksana Chaika
Abstract

The relevance of this research is driven by the ongoing Russian-Ukrainian war and Russia’s centuries-long attempts to destroy Ukrainian national identity through political, military and cultural mechanisms. The aim of the study was to analyse the historical and contemporary manifestations of Russian cultural suppression and its impact on Ukraine’s national unity. The research reveals that the key mechanisms of Russian cultural suppression include language policy, religious control and the falsification of historical narratives. Russian efforts to impose the dominance of the Russian language, particularly during the Soviet period, were aimed at weakening Ukrainian identity. The research identifies key Russian tactics, including restrictive language policies, manipulation of religious institutions and the distortion of history, all intended to weaken Ukrainian identity. However, rather than achieving these goals, the Ukrainian language has emerged as a powerful symbol of resistance and resilience. The paper also highlights the role of the Russian Orthodox Church in shaping Ukraine’s religious dynamics to Russia’s advantage, as well as the ongoing falsification of Ukrainian history, depicting Ukraine as “Little Russia.” The findings suggest that, in the face of external threats, Ukraine’s cultural resilience has not only endured but also contributed to the strengthening of national unity. Efforts to restore historical accuracy and promote a more robust national consciousness have been pivotal in resisting Russian influence. These insights are significant for academics, educators and policymakers working to safeguard and promote Ukrainian identity in the context of ongoing geopolitical challenges

Keywords

cultural resistance; language policies; Ukrainian identity; intercultural communication; cross-cultural communication

Suggested citation
Chaika, O. (2024). The impact of Russian cultural suppression on Ukrainian national unity. International Journal of Philology, 15(3), 41-56. https://doi.org/10.31548/philolog/3.2024.41
References

[1] Anderson, B. (2006). Imagined communities: Reflections on the origin and spread of nationalism. London: Verso.

[2] Chaika, O. (2023). International cultural ecology: Multicultural and multilingual risks (based on the materials from the Russia-Ukraine war). In Ecology in discourse. Natural and cultural landscape (pp. 31-64). Slupsk: University of Pomerania in Slupsk.

[3] Chaika, O. (2024). Polyculture vs Multiculture through the Lens of Ukraine: What’s in the Concept?. In Materials of the III international interdisciplinary conference “Language, business and law, intercultural communication: Challenges of today” (pp. 16-20). Kyiv: National University of Life and Environmental Sciences of Ukraine.

[4] Chayinska, M., Kende, A., & Wohl, M.J. (2022). National identity and beliefs about historical linguicide are associated with support for exclusive language policies among the Ukrainian linguistic majority. Group Processes & Intergroup Relations, 25(4), 924-940. doi: 10.1177/1368430220985911.

[5] Constitution of Ukraine. (June, 1996). Retrieved from https://zakon.rada.gov.ua/laws/show/254%D0%BA/96-%D0%B2%D1%80#Text.

[6] Düben, B.A. (2020). There is no Ukraine: Fact-checking the Kremlin’s version of Ukrainian history. Retrieved from https://blogs.lse.ac.uk/lseih/2020/07/01/there-is-no-ukraine-fact-checking-the-kremlins-version-of-ukrainian-history/.

[7] Education Reforms. (2017). Retrieved from https://www.kmu.gov.ua/reformi/rozvitok-lyudskogo-kapitalu/reforma-osviti.

[8] Feklyunina, V. (2016). Soft power and identity: Russia, Ukraine and the “Russian world(s)”. European Journal of International Relations, 22(4), 773-796. doi: 10.1177/1354066115601200.

[9] Gao, L. (2024). The national consciousness of Ukraine and its evolution during the Soviet era. Journal of Education, Humanities and Social Sciences, 28, 140-145. doi: 10.54097/4dfr5c77.

[10] Gramsci, A. (2020). Selections from the prison notebooks. In The applied theatre reader (pp. 141-142). London: Routledge.

[11] Green, J.A., Henderson, C., & Ruys, T. (2022). Russia’s attack on Ukraine and the jus ad bellum. Journal on the Use of Force and International Law, 9(1), 4-30. doi: 10.1080/20531702.2022.2056803.

[12] Halbwachs, M. (1992). On collective memory. Chicago, London: University of Chicago Press.

[13] Hogg, M.A. (2016). Social identity theory. In Understanding peace and conflict through social identity theory: Contemporary global perspectives (pp. 3-17). Cham: Springer International Publishing. doi: 10.1007/978-3-319-29869-6_1.

[14] Hunder, M., & Humphries, C. (2022). Moscow-led Ukrainian Orthodox Church breaks ties with Russia. Retrieved from https://www.reuters.com/world/europe/moscow-led-ukrainian-orthodox-church-breaks-ties-with-russia-2022-05-28/.

[15] Iziumov, O. (1930). Ukrainian-Russian dictionary: According to the new spelling. Kharkiv; Kyiv: State Publishing House of Ukraine.

[16] Kulyk, V. (2014). What is Russian in Ukraine? Popular beliefs regarding the social roles of the language. In The Russian language outside the nation (pp. 117-140). Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. doi: 10.3366/edinburgh/9780748668458.003.0005.

[17] Kuzio, T. (1998). Ukraine: Coming to terms with the soviet legacy. Journal of Communist Studies and Transition Politics, 14(4), 1-27. doi: 10.1080/13523279808415388.

[18] Law of the Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic No. 8312-11 “On Languages in the Ukrainian SSR”. (October, 1989). Retrieved from https://zakon.rada.gov.ua/laws/show/8312-11#Text.

[19] Law of Ukraine No. 2704-VIII “On Ensuring the Functioning of the Ukrainian Language as the State Language”. (April, 2019). Retrieved from https://zakon.rada.gov.ua/laws/show/2704-19#Text.

[20] Law of Ukraine No. 317-VIII “On the Condemnation of Communist and National Socialist (Nazi) Totalitarian Regimes in Ukraine and the Prohibition of Propaganda of Their Symbols”. (April, 2015) Retrieved from https://zakon.rada.gov.ua/laws/show/317-19#Text.

[21] Law of Ukraine No. 5029-VI “On the Principles of State Language Policy”. (July, 2012) Retrieved from https://zakon.rada.gov.ua/laws/show/5029-17#Text.

[22] Leustean, L.N., & Samokhvalov, V. (2019). The Ukrainian National Church, religious diplomacy, and the conflict in Donbas. Journal of Orthodox Christian Studies, 2(2), 199-224. doi: 10.1353/joc.2019.0023.

[23] Magocsi, P.R. (2002). The roots of Ukrainian nationalism: Galicia as Ukraine’s Piedmont. Toronto: University of Toronto Press.

[24] Mamo, C. (2021). Explainer: The split in Ukraine’s Orthodox Church. Retrieved from https://emerging-europe.com/analysis/the-explainer-the-split-in-ukraines-orthodox-church/.

[25] Motyl, A.J. (2011). The paradoxes of Paul Robert Magocsi: The case for Rusyns and the logical necessity of Ukrainians. Nationalities Papers, 39(1), 105-109. doi: 10.1080/00905992.2010.532774.

[26] Myshlovska, O. (2022). Understanding the roots of the Russia-Ukraine war and the misuse of history. Retrieved from https://www.graduateinstitute.ch/communications/news/understanding-roots-russia-ukraine-war-and-misuse-history.

[27] National Gallery renames Degas’ Russian Dancers as Ukrainian Dancers. (2022). Retrieved from https://surl.li/jatwvn.

[28] New Ukrainian school. (n.d). Retrieved from https://mon.gov.ua/tag/nova-ukrainska-shkola?&type=all&tag=nova-ukrainska-shkola.

[29] Plokhy, S. (2017). The gates of Europe: A history of Ukraine. London: Penguin.

[30] Resolution of the Cabinet of Ministers of Ukraine No. 852-r “On Appointment of the Commissioner for the Protection of the State Language”. (July, 2020). Retrieved from https://mova-ombudsman.gov.ua/upovnovazhenij-iz-zahistu-derzhavnoyi-movi.

[31] Richardson-Smith, B. (2021). The Holodomor: Genocide or the result of bad planning?. Journal of Huddersfield Student Research, 7(1). doi: 10.5920/fields.801.

[32] Said, E. (1979). Orientalism. New York: Vintage books.

[33] Snyder, T. (2010). Bloodlands: Europe between Hitler and Stalin. London: Bodley Head.

[34] Snyder, T. (2018). The road to unfreedom: Russia, Europe, America. New York: Tim Duggan Books.

[35] Subtelny, O. (2009). Ukraine: A history. Toronto: University of Toronto Press.

[36] Tajfel, H., & Turner, J. C. (2004). The social identity theory of intergroup behavior. In Political psychology (pp. 276-293). London: Psychology Press. doi: 10.4324/9780203505984-16.

[37] Vike, H. (2011). Cultural models, power, and hegemony. In A companion to cognitive anthropology (pp. 376-392). doi: 10.1002/9781444394931.ch20.

[38] Wertsch, J.V., & Roediger, H.L. (2008). Collective memory: Conceptual foundations and theoretical approaches. Memory, 16(3), 318-326. doi: 10.1080/09658210701801434.

[39] Wilson, A. (2022). The Ukrainians: Unexpected nation. London: Yale University Press.

[40] Wylegala, A., & Głowacka-Grajper, M. (2020). The burden of the past: History, memory, and identity in contemporary Ukraine. Bloomington: Indiana University Press.